Wikipedia

I would say, find me a single example of atheists committing hate crimes in the name of atheism..? Is not complicated, my love.

Evangelicals are super eager to let you know that they are calling for hate crimes in the name of their religion.

https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/jssr.12942

Christian nationalism is both a political theology and cultural framework that seeks to amalgamate the Christian faith and a country's political life and calls for the privileging of a certain form of Christianity in the public square (Whitehead and Perry 2020b). This ideology is at once both descriptive and prescriptive: Christian nationalists believe that their countries are defined by Christianity and that their governments and citizens should take steps to keep it that way (Miller 2021). In the United States, Christian nationalism is an important phenomenon. A survey by the Pew Research Center found that about one third of American adults who identify as politically conservative believe that being Christian is very important for being American (Silver 2021). Although the Pew survey finds that more Americans support rather than oppose separation of church and state, it also notes that there remain large reservoirs of support for church-state integration (e.g., Torba and Isker 2022; Wolfe 2022). Another Pew survey revealed that 65 percent of white Evangelicals say, “if they conflict, the Bible should have more influence than the will of the people.” Eighty-one percent of white evangelicals and 45 percent of all Americans believe the United States should be a “Christian nation” (Pew Research Center 2022).

https://shs.cairn.info/revue-francaise-d-etudes-americaines-2006-4-page-107?lang=en

Numerous causes and motivations underlie hate crimes. In this article, my interest is confined to “religious” or “faith-based” hate crimes, that is to say crimes motivated by religious intolerance. Although religion partly accounts for most hate attacks, “religious hate crimes” will be taken here as a specific category, with an emphasis on the religious doctrine that motivates such acts of violence. My intention is to explore the vital role that faith beliefs and religious fanaticism play in determining respectively who falls victim to such a crime and who becomes the perpetrator of such hateful acts. In the first case, individuals and groups are attacked because they adhere to a particular faith and/or because they are open about their beliefs. In the second, hatemongers, blinded by religious fervor and fanaticism, hurt others whom they view as a danger to their own beliefs and to society at large. To both the victim and the perpetrator of religious hate crimes, one’s faith is something to be taken seriously – sometimes to the extreme.

https://www.oah.org/tah/november-5/evangelicalism-and-politics/

Evangelicalism has been a significant force in American politics since at least the nineteenth century. However, the direction of this political force, as well as the media and scholarly attention it receives, has ebbed and flowed. In recent history, several critical turns and factors have led the overwhelming majority of white evangelicals to move towards the modern Republican party. One factor in this shift was the modern civil rights era and the black freedom struggle. The Brown v. Board Supreme Court decision outlawed the segregation of public schools. In turn, a number of white evangelical communities opened private schools as a way to oppose school desegregation, framing their hostility to Brown v. Board as an expression of religious freedom rather than a defense of racial segregation. Elementary and secondary schools such as Reverend Jerry Falwell’s Lynchburg Christian School and colleges such as Bob Jones University became known as “segregation academies.” In the wake of the passage of the Civil Rights Bill of 1964, the IRS threatened to revoke the tax-exempt status of these segregation academies unless they ceased their discriminatory admissions. This, coupled with President Johnson’s Great Society programs and the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, further altered the terrain of America’s legalized racial hierarchy. In all, school desegregation and busing, the outlawing of legalized racial discrimination and the threat it posed for white evangelical schools, the increased federal dollars for social welfare problems, and the sharp increase in black voters (largely for the Democratic party) changed America’s legalized racial structure. The federal government, white evangelical leaders such as Reverend Jerry Falwell and Paul Weyrich argued, was not only invading local autonomy, but was turning its back against whites and favoring African Americans and Latinos. The world, it seemed, was turning upside down.

Richard Nixon capitalized on this resentment. The 1960 Democratic presidential nomination of Catholic John F. Kennedy and the 1964 Republican nomination and endorsement of Barry Goldwater and his anti-civil rights platform had already intensified white southern evangelical interests in the Republican party. Coupled with anger over America’s changing legal racial structure, the south was prime for the taking. Nixon then employed a “southern strategy,” a campaign which harnessed this umbrage of white evangelicals specifically and whites more broadly who had formerly voted for the Democratic party. In this new world, the keys to political success, argued Nixon strategist Kevin Phillips in 1966, was to bring together the largest number of white ethnic prejudices into one party without fragmenting the existing coalition. “The more Negroes who register as Democrats in the South,” Phillips noted, “the sooner the Negrophobe whites will quit the Democrats and become republicans.” However, Phillips warned, extreme racist language had to be avoided, especially when courting white converts outside the Deep South. “When you are after political converts, start with the less extreme and wait for the extremists to come into line when their alternatives collapse.” Winning Republican converts in the Sun Belt as well as the Midwest, then, required a tempered conservatism. They employed a language of morality and decency, law and order, normalcy, family values, and self-reliance: discourse white evangelicals understood as explicitly evangelical religious values. As the Democratic party came to be identified as the party of big government and minorities of color, white evangelicals began the process of almost exclusively identifying with the modern Republican party.