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It's interesting, his whole terminology of "Goliath states" is essentially a re-framing of the emergence of class society from Ur-communism as already theorised in the 19th century. He must have been aware of this after working on a scholarly work like this for seven years.
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I can't help to see this as "I want to expand on basic class conflict theory, but without using the bad 'commie words'" I'd love to see how its framed in the actual source, when not summarised by the article. His demands for a radical transformation are rather modest, when viewed as-is - more democracy and a wealth tax capping wealth at roughly 10 million. But sadly that already needs enormous shifts and global taking of power from the ruling class, and at least in the article itself it leaves open the questions of how production will then be organised, which is one of the main reasons communist theories developed around democratic self-organisation of the working class originally, which could transcend the cycle of accumulation -> reinvestment -> more consolidated accumulation. but I wonder how aware he is of all this, after all, he adds something I can only read as a reference to Mark Fisher, or to Ẑiẑek:
Even though he quite vehemently tries to say he clearly doesn't have a left-wing model of history:
Personally, I am pessimistic about any outlook, that wants a world still with corporations but just curtailing them, because I always see the material dynamics of accumulation putting exactly the kind of "Dark Triad" people he is talking about into power. But I think I understand and can definitely see value in his position. Was an interestind read, thank you for sharing!
I think he's avoiding left-wing framing because he wants to be able to connect with the people who are in the cause of the inequality, and who are in decision making positions. Most of those are capitalists, and are going to ignore anything that sounds too much like socialism.