Climate

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Discussion of climate, how it is changing, activism around that, the politics, and the energy systems change we need in order to stabilize things.

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cross-posted from: https://lemmy.sdf.org/post/36620663

Archived

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While the harmful impacts of Chinese development projects are increasingly covered by African press and international watchdogs, they are nearly invisible in Chinese domestic media. State-run outlets like People’s Daily, Xinhua, and CCTV instead push positive messaging about economic partnerships and “South-South cooperation.” If there are local faces, they are often African presenters and reporters hired by Chinese state media at higher-than-local pay rates, who are tasked with presenting upbeat narratives that reinforce official talking points.

Commercial Chinese media — often perceived as more independent — largely follow suit. If stories touch on environmental issues at all, they do so in vague, sanitized terms that avoid direct attribution of harm to Chinese companies or projects.

Chinese investment and the presence of Chinese companies in Africa, in addition to their visible infrastructure and economic impact, are rarely scrutinized in terms of environmental harm within Chinese media. When environmental damage is addressed at all within Chinese media, it is either omitted or framed as incidental, often blamed on African mismanagement or natural challenges. Local community members are rarely quoted, interviewed, or centered in the storytelling. Instead, they remain nameless, stripped of agency, and disconnected from the audience.

And yet, the consequences of mega-development projects are real. In many countries in Africa where China has implemented projects, environmental problems have been repeatedly denounced. Deforestation, displacement of populations, loss of biodiversity in the construction of dams has damaged Sudan, Ghana, and the DRC; water pollution, and resulting negative health impacts due to mining are impacting Guinea, the DRC, and Mozambique; expropriations and violence in the context of a hydrocarbon project have destabalazed Uganda and Tanzania; and more.

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In Kenya, for example, the Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) — one of the flagship projects in China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), its mega global infrastructure project — has cut through wildlife migration routes and alarmed conservationists. Some environmentalists have alleged “the railway has disrupted wildlife migration routes.” Yet despite its scale and promise, many Kenyans say they have seen little benefit from the railway, pointing to a deep disconnect between grand development narratives and realities on the ground.

In Nigeria, Chinese-run mining operations have been linked to water contamination and community displacement. In Rwanda, locals affected by Chinese-financed hydropower initiatives report land loss and inadequate compensation.

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The few mentions of corporate responsibility rarely, if ever, include Chinese firms operating on the continent. This silence is not accidental. It is structural, political, and strategic.

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China’s domestic media environment has undergone a dramatic transformation under Xi Jinping, whose administration emphasizes tightly controlled narratives that advance national pride and global ambition. Criticism of Chinese companies abroad, particularly on environmental issues, is seen as undermining these goals.

Meanwhile, China has aggressively expanded its media footprint in Africa — stationing more Chinese journalists across the continent and recruiting local African reporters to appear in state media broadcasts to provide “African faces” for Chinese narratives. These reports rarely diverge from official messaging. As one recent state-owned Global Times article framed it, “Environmental cooperation is not only a development priority but a symbol of the strong friendship and mutual trust between China and Africa.”

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Environmental lawyer Zhang Jingjing, who has spent over a decade handling environmental rights cases involving Chinese enterprises in Africa, sees this erasure as both intentional and systemic. “Chinese-language and foreign-language reporting are like two entirely different worlds — Chinese reports are few, often absent, and when they exist, they’re pure praise,” she said in an interview with Global Voices.

Despite working in multiple African countries, she has never been approached by a Chinese journalist about her work. “Not a single Chinese journalist has interviewed me to understand what impact Chinese companies are having on local communities,” Zhang said.

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"The state’s slogan about ‘telling China’s story well’ has already set the tone. A lot of these projects clearly have problems, but if they’re not ‘good stories,’ they simply won’t get reported," [Zhang said].

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Chinese reporters who cross political red lines risk severe consequences, including censorship, job loss, surveillance, detention, or imprisonment under vague charges like “picking quarrels” or “subverting state power.” Some have faced public shaming, forced confessions, and threats to their families. When media organizations in China cross political red lines, their articles are swiftly deleted, and entire websites can be shut down. Editors and responsible officials are often removed from their positions. In the most severe cases, the media outlet itself may be permanently closed.

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In Kenya, local authorities echo the rhetoric, eager to preserve investment and diplomatic warmth. But it comes at a cost: several Kenyan journalists describe growing difficulty in reporting critically on Chinese projects without editorial pushback or quiet blacklisting.

For Chinese media, the logic is simple: these are not stories that sell, politically or commercially. They are far removed from the interests of most domestic readers, and they risk undermining the carefully polished international image Beijing wants to present.

This one-sided narrative has profound implications for climate justice. It denies African communities the dignity of visibility and Chinese citizens the chance to understand the consequences of their country’s outward expansion. Real sustainability cannot rely on curated image-making. It demands transparency, access, and the courage to confront harm — not bury it.

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cross-posted from: https://slrpnk.net/post/23193656

archived (Wayback Machine)

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archived (Wayback Machine)

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Secret chemicals. A hush-hush atmosphere surrounding airborne pollution. Non-disclosure agreements preventing open discussion of industry impacts.

Some of the same transparency issues that reared their heads during the early days of fracking a decade ago are making a resurgence at the state and local level across the U.S., this time with new twists under the current federal government.

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The day I was supposed to join a group of young women to map Gros Islet, an old fishing village on the Caribbean Island of St. Lucia, I got lost. Proann Francis, who was helping lead the expedition, had told me to meet everyone at Care Growell School, which Google Maps informed me was some 8,500 miles away, in Uttar Pradesh, India. “Where?” I asked. She instructed me to wait outside my hotel for a ride because it would be impossible to find the place on my own. An hour later, I found myself standing at the side of a dusty St. Lucian highway as a vintage red Toyota van pulled up. I squeezed in, between Francis and the driver. Behind us, a group of young women sat wearing matching light blue shirts that read “Women Mappers.”

“We have some heavy mapping to do today!” Francis announced, breaking into a toothy smile, her dark hair pulled back neatly into a bun.

Most of St. Lucia, which sits at the southern end of an archipelago stretching from Trinidad and Tobago to the Bahamas, is poorly mapped. Aside from strips of sandy white beaches that hug the coastline, the island is draped with dense rainforest. A few green signs hang limp and faded from utility poles like an afterthought, identifying streets named during more than a century of dueling British and French colonial rule. One major road, Micoud Highway, runs like a vein from north to south, carting tourists from the airport to beachfront resorts. Little of this is accurately represented on Google Maps. Almost nobody uses, or has, a conventional address. Locals orient one another with landmarks: the red house on the hill, the cottage next to the church, the park across from Care Growell School.

Our van wound off Micoud Highway into an empty lot beneath the shade of a banana tree. A dog panted, belly up, under the hot November sun. The group had been recruited by the Humanitarian OpenStreetMap Team, or HOT, a nonprofit that uses an open-source data platform called OpenStreetMap to create a map of the world that resembles Google’s with one key exception: Anyone can edit it, making it a sort of Wikipedia for cartographers.

The organization has an ambitious goal: Map the world’s unmapped places to help relief workers reach people when the next hurricane, fire, or other crisis strikes. Since its founding in 2010, some 340,000 volunteers around the world have been remotely editing OpenStreetMap to better represent the Caribbean, Southeast Asia, parts of Africa and other regions prone to natural disasters or humanitarian emergencies. In that time, they have mapped more than 2.1 million miles of roads and 156 million buildings. They use aerial imagery captured by drones, aircraft, or satellites to help trace unmarked roads, waterways, buildings, and critical infrastructure. Once this digital chart is more clearly defined, field-mapping expeditions like the one we were taking add the names of every road, house, church, or business represented by gray silhouettes on their paper maps. The effort fine-tunes the places that bigger players like Google Maps get wrong — or don’t get at all.

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New research reveals a massive planned expansion of gas-fired electrical generation to power artificial intelligence and other heavy industries.

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Here you can download the report: Building a Global Minerals Trust for a Just Green Transition [pdf]

UN scientists, experts propose "Global Minerals Trust" - a cooperative, multilateral governance mechanism to ensure sustainable, conflict-free access to critical minerals

Key points:

  • Today, more than 70% of global production for key critical minerals is concentrated in just a few countries, raising serious concerns about supply security, market volatility, and geopolitical risk.
  • Achieving a just and sustainable energy transition hinges on fair and reliable access to critical minerals—materials key for low-carbon technologies. However, global supply chains remain environmentally damaging and vulnerable to geopolitical tensions, creating systemic risks for both climate and economic goals.
  • A Global Minerals Trust offers a new multilateral model to promote responsible stewardship, fair pricing, and secure equitable access to strategic minerals--balancing national sovereignty with planetary responsibility.
  • The Trust can advance a just and circular transition by enabling pooled investment, transparent trade, mineral recycling, and benefit-sharing with resource-producing nations, particularly in the Global South.
  • Global cooperation through platforms such as the G7, G20, IGF, and United Nations is essential to coordinate action and build a resilient, inclusive, and future-proof minerals governance system.
  • The Trust would include independent audit mechanisms—similar to those used by the International Atomic Energy Agency—to ensure environmental and social safeguards.
  • Countries would retain full sovereignty over their resources while committing to prioritize mineral flows for green technologies and avoid politicized supply disruptions.

Canada’s 2025 G7 presidency offers a strategic opportunity to facilitate early-stage consensus around the Trust, drawing on its strengths in environmental diplomacy and multilateral engagement, the report says.

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Building “alternative” energy infrastructure isn’t enough. To avert climate disaster, fossil fuels need to be restricted, and energy consumption overall needs to fall.

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As cities heat up, reflective roofs could lower energy bills and help the climate. But dark roofing manufacturers are waging a quiet campaign to block new rules.

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cross-posted from: https://lemmy.sdf.org/post/36057050

Archived

China and India have approved the construction of the largest capacity of new coal-fired power plants in a decade, as the world’s two most populous nations seek to bolster energy security, according to the International Energy Agency.

China gave the green light to almost 100 gigawatts of new coal-fired plants in 2024, and India a further 15 gigawatts, pushing global approvals to their highest level since 2015, the Paris-based agency said.

“The capacity in coal is increasing,” IEA Executive Director Fatih Birol said in an interview as the agency published its annual World Energy Investment report. “But we also see that the capacity utilization rate in China is lower than in previous years, they are mainly using this when there are major challenges to meet the electricity demand.”

AI’s Need for Power Spurs Return of Dirty Gas Turbines Senate to Reinstate US Public Lands Sale to Pay for Tax Cuts European Power Markets Brace for Extreme Heat Over the Summer Coal Power Costs Climb Just as Trump Wants to Prop Up the Fuel

Investments in coal supply continue to tick upward with another 4% increase expected in 2025, a slight slowdown compared with the 6% annual average growth seen over the last five years, the IEA said. “Nearly all the growth in coal investments in 2024 came from China and India to meet domestic demand,” according to the report.

Trends in coal and other carbon-intensive sources may not be conducive to meeting global climate targets.

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cross-posted from: https://lemmy.sdf.org/post/35625917

While China touts climate goals and sustainability, its banks are pouring billions into commodities from the world’s rainforests, an investigation by the international NGO Global Witness has found.

Archived

Chinese banks became the largest creditors of “forest-risk” companies globally between 2018-2024 – excluding financial institutions based in Brazil and Indonesia – according to a new analysis by Global Witness, based on data released in September 2024 by the Forests & Finance coalition.

The financial sectors of Brazil, Indonesia and Malaysia provide a disproportionate amount of “forest-risk” financing to commodity producers in their own countries and are excluded from this analysis, which focuses on international financial flows. When including these countries, China ranked third globally overall in 2023, the final year for which full data is available.

The Forests & Finance database, compiled by Dutch research firm Profundo, tracks financial flows to over 300 “forest-risk” companies involved in agricultural supply chains such as beef, palm oil and soy production – industries that are major drivers of tropical deforestation.

Key findings

  • Recent data shows that Chinese banks have become the largest creditors to “forest-risk”* companies, after major producing countries Brazil and Indonesia, with over $23 billion in financing provided from 2018 to 2024.
  • Key Chinese banks, including CITIC, Industrial and Commercial Bank of China and Bank of China, are among the top creditors for “forest-risk” companies such as Royal Golden Eagle Group, which has faced repeated allegations that its supply chain has driven deforestation.
  • The increasing flow of finance to “forest-risk” companies undermines China’s climate and environmental goals under the Glasgow Leaders' Declaration and national Green Finance Guidelines.
  • Meanwhile, Chinese banks rank poorly compared to their international counterparts in terms of deforestation-related policies, with four out of six major Chinese lenders scoring zero in the Forest 500 annual policy assessment.
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